Migrant Workers in Korea, Ten Years' History

Dong-Hoon Seol (Lecturer of Sociology, Seoul National University)

Workers Inflow Started from 1987

Foreign migrant workers have been flowing into Korea since 1987. They came here to earn money. They worked at factories, construction sites, and farms. At that time, the social problems of migrant workers were not serious. In 1987, the Dong-A Ilbo Daily News reported one day that there were hundreds of Filipina domestic helpers in Kangnam, the richest area in Seoul. It was the first time that the issue of migrant workers was reported in Korea. The number of migrant workers in Korea in 1992 was estimated 62,000.

The year of 1992 was the first time that Korea government granted amnesty upon undocumented migrants in order to downsize the number of them. Tallying the number of migrant workers was so simple then; foreigners from developing countries who overstayed for a long time were considered as the migrant workers.

Opinions to make a policy upon migrant workers were raised in early 1990s as problems of migrant workers were reported frequently. The news articles ― many foreigners were not protected in the dead point of industrial sites, and a murdering accident by some Pakistanis ― suggested that the government should set a systematical policy upon them.

Meanwhile, business organizations already had asked the government to import labor force from abroad. The employer associations formally proposed to import foreign workers in 1991. But the labor unions opposed it.

The Korean Trainee System, a copy of the Japanese policy, the Industrial Technical Trainee Program (ITTP) was at last introduced in November 1991. The employers of the Korea Federation of Small Business (KFSB) suggested this at a meeting with President Roh Tae-Woo, and the President accepted the requisition.

The employers first thought that they could import only labor force, not human beings. But it didn't need much time to realize that their first idea was wrong.

In 1992, the government cracked down undocumented workers. And, this was followed by a strong resistance from the employers of small and medium businesses.

In 1993, the companies could import migrant workers if they got appointed by the Minister of Commerce and Industry, and this was developed to the Industrial Technical Trainee System later. However, this system was not successful as a lot of trainees escaped from their designated companies, and it came to be a hotbed of so many brokers.

As the system was failed, the government started to study policies of migrant workers in other countries. Conclusion of the government was establishing a special organization to handle problems of foreign labor force.

If an organization not directly linked with government treats this problem, there would be no diplomatic disputes with other countries. So, the Korean government decided to copy the trainee system in Japan.

Korean government bestowed the Korean International Training Cooperation Corps (KITKO), a copy version of the Japan International Training Cooperation Organization (JITCO), to exclusively conduct the process of importing and distributing the trainees. KITCO is actually an organization of employers since it was established, while JITCO is composed of three different parts of the labor, business, and government. KITCO was working on behalf of the employers, so the program created so many problems such as violation of human rights or escaping from the designated companies. And, it resulted in rallies by migrant workers at the office of Citizens' Coalition for Economic Justice in 1993 and Myongdong Cathedral in 1995.

As their rallies moved the public opinion, the government decided that undocumented migrant workers' basic rights could be protected, and that they would be covered by the industrial accidents compensation insurance.

Since then, legislation of the Law for Protection Migrant Workers (MWPL) or the Migrant Workers Employment Law has been a key task of migrant camp in Korea. The migrant supporting centers insisted, "There are many foreigners who supply labor forces in Korea, but they are not considered as laborers, and no legal source to define them, either. Let's set a legal system upon them." It was an epoch those laws could be enacted.

The Law for Protection of Migrant Workers Fails as Bosses Resist

But, it was invalid at last. The bosses of small and medium businesses had a couple of rallies before the government's building complex in Kwachon, the city to the south of Seoul. They advocated, "Why do we need a law for the migrant workers, even Japan doesn't have it yet."

Their minds were changed than the year of 1991 when they suggested the government to allow them to import foreign workers. Like the bosses, public opinion was also changed. Editorials of daily newspapers said to delay enacting the law. As the bosses asserted, it is not easy to enact governmental policies for migrant workers ahead of Japan. Korean policy has always been made after Japan's. That is why we need solidarity with migrant supporting camp in Japan.

High Yen's Value Attracts Foreign Workers

The time migrant workers first came to these countries as a scale were similar, and the governments did very similarly. The migrant workers have widely worked since 1987 in the labor-intensive industrial sectors.

It is correct that there have been a lot of foreign women working in Japan since 1978. Referred to as Japayukisan, Japan-bound women have been working as serving girls at clubs and entertainment sites.

While there had generally been foreign serving girls as of mid-1980s, some of changed situation in Japan drove the country to import labor force from abroad. In 1985, Japan was on the table for negotiation with Europe and USA to adjust its currency (Yen)value. Japan's too high export surplus and underestimated value of Yen was a threat of the world economy.

So, Japan agreed to appreciate the value of Yen, at the Plaza Agreement. The result of appreciation of Yen was increasing of wage levels. Thus, labor-intensive companies in Japan had to move to abroad, or changed its type of industries for surviving. However, there were some of unchangeable factors. The service industry couldn't be changed into another industry, and construction was impossible to be done in another space. Hence, as there was a wide demand in those factors, Japan inevitably imported so many migrant workers. 1988 was the first year that number of male migrant workers overwhelmed females.

Korea Follows Trainee Systems of Japan

Meanwhile, the situation of Japan affected to Korea. As the result of an economic restructuring program in Japan, Korean economy enjoyed its prosperous period. Because most of Korean industries are competitive with Japan, Korea could get advantage of Japan's losing competitive advantafe due to Yen's appreciation. The economic boom of Korea in 1986 rapidly drained manual workers in the factories.

Although migrant workers had been increasing, there had been no policy upon them in the late 1980's in both countries. In 1991 Japan enacted the Immigration Control Law. From that year, Japan has produced the worst policy for migrant workers, and Korea has copyrighted it throughout 1990's.

Japan endowed a third sector organization ― non governmental, and a civic group ― to manage the business of importing and supplying trainees in 1993. The organization is JITCO (Japan International Trainee Cooperation Organization) and Korea has a corresponding organization of KITCO (Korean International Training Cooperation Corps).

Japan's basic policy of importing migrant workers is the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP). Korea has the same system of the Trainee Employment System (TES). Under the TITP, trainees can work legally after passing a qualification examination after working as trainees for six months. TES in Korea also plans to have an examination in April 2000 for allowing trainees to work for two years to get formal qualifications of working in Korea.

Similar Policies upon Nikkeijins and Chosunjoks

There is a similar policy both in Japan and Korea. Japan has Nikkeijins, Japanese decendents from Latin America, and Chosunjoks, ethnic Koreans residing in China.

But they are different in some aspects. Nikkeijins are offsprings of Japanese who emigrated to South America in 1920's. Japanese government introduced them in the early 1990s to ease labor shortage. However, this system yielded so many brokers. Because it is not easy to distinguish whether the children of mixed blood have Japanese blood lines, brokers made a lot of fake certifications proving that they are Japanese decendents. Their status in Japan is under special visas, having special residence qualifications. But, their consciousness as Japanese is weak, and they do not speak Japanese well, either. However, Chosunjoks speak Korean well. They have their ethnic communities in China. They have strong identities of Korean ethnicity.

Japan has an astute policy upon migrants. There were officially only 8,600 foreign workers through TITP in Japan in 1996. Japan has so many foreign students of universities, colleges, and even in private language academies. They are allowed to work as part-timers and irregular workers a few hours a week. It is known that even some students of language academies are just working at pubs and factories without studying.

Japan Shouldn't Be a Model for Korea

I can summarize distinctions of migrant policy in Japan: Nikkeijins have advantages in their status, and part-timers are mobilized cleverly to supply labor powers. And, Japan's managing system upon laborers is much smarter than Korea. But Japan is not a model for Korea in the field of migrant policy. Most of Japan's policies are not good, the entertainment industry is more developed than Korea, and, the smuggling scheme in Japan is related with Yakuja gang. Korea shouldn't follow Japan's system.